Boy Scout Barry
(The Drug Propaganda, Vol 2: Drug War, Chapter 6)

      General Barry McCaffrey is President of BR McCaffrey Associates, LLC, which scored huge government contracts for Defense Solutions’ armored vehicles in Iraq and Afghanistan. Veritas Capital Management, a private defense-contractor holding company that boasts General McCaffrey on its board, paid General McCaffrey at least $500,000 for his help in obtaining government contracts for its firms. Also on the Veritas payroll were Adm. Joseph W. Prueher, ex-commander-in-chief of the U.S. Pacific Command and former U.S. ambassador to China; Admiral Leighton W. Smith, former commander-in-chief of Allied Forces in Southern Europe; Gen. Anthony C. Zinni, former commander-in-chief of the U.S. Central Command; and Gen. Richard E. Hawley, former commander of Air Combat Command at Langley Air Force Base, Va. General McCaffrey also owns a large block of preferred stock in, and sits on the board of major defense contractor DynCorp, owned by Veritas Capital holding company. McCaffrey is also a board member of Raytheon Aerospace and Integrated Defense Technologies. General McCaffrey is also the Chairman of HNTB Federal Services, an engineering and construction management company that contracts with the government. 

      Here is General Barry McCaffrey’s Executive Profile on, as of 1/31/2018: Board of Directors, DrugAbuse Sciences, Inc.; Director, Phoenix House Foundation, Inc.; Chairman, HNTB Federal Services Corp.; Director, DynCorp International LLC; 2001-Present, Director, L-3 Communications Vertex Aerospace LLC; 2002-Present, Director and Member of Clinical Advisery Board, CRC Health Corporation; 2004-Present, Director, Baxters North America; 2004-Present, Director, TWC Holding LLC; 2005-Present, Director; AECOM National Security Programs, Inc.; 2008-Present, Chairman of HNTB Federal Services Corp, HNTB Corporation; 2013-Present, Director, Prospira PainCare, Inc.; 2014-Present, Director, Excelitas Technologies Corp. His list of ‘other affiliations’ includes 28 more defense contractors.  Obviously, the motivation here is not to end war, but endless war.

      As head of the U.S. Southern Command, 1994-1996, General McCaffrey was, in effect, the lead CIA agent for South America. In late 1990, CIA agent Mark McFarlin, who had worked with Col. Steele against El Salvador’s populist guerrillas, the FMLN, and Gen. Ramón Guillén Davila of the Venezuelan National Guard, arranged a multi-ton shipment of cocaine to Florida. Guillén was Venezuela’s former antidrug chief.  This shipment was intercepted by the U.S. Customs Service at Miami’s International Airport. After a delay of 6 years, Guillén was charged by the U.S. Justice Department, 11/22/96, with organizing the importation of more than 22 tons of Colombian cocaine into the U.S.  

      These charges came down just after General McCaffrey’s 1994-1996 stint as head of the U.S. Southern Command, and  while Gen. McCaffrey was Clinton’s drug czar.  Speaking from his safe haven in Caracas, Venezuela, Guillén insisted that the 1990 operation was a joint CIA-Venezuelan operation aimed at the Cali cartel. Given that  Guillén was a longtime CIA employee, and that the drugs were stored in a Venezuelan warehouse owned by the CIA, the ‘joint’ part of Guillén’s statement is almost certainly true, although the ‘aimed at’ part is almost certainly false.  How do you hurt drug exporters by repeatedly buying and exporting their drugs?

      The DEA officially concluded that the CIA intentionally withheld “vital information” on the Cali cartel, its business partner in this extended operation, from onsite DEA investigators.  The Cali cartel, it should be noted, was financing CIA and Venezuelan-supported elements of Colombian military intelligence while the Colombian military was being armed through General McCaffrey’s U.S. Southern Command. On 2/15/96 Colombia’s legislature indicted serving President Ernesto Samper, who the CIA was financing, for running his 1994 electoral campaign with Cali cartel money, which is like indicting Colonel Sanders for eating fried chicken. 1

      The CIA was forced to officially admit its cocaine partnership with Venezuela’s Guillén after it was told that 60 Minutes was planning to broadcast the results of its own investigation on CBS on 11/21/93. Attempting to control the damage, the CIA admitted, 11/19/93, that it had shipped one ton of pure cocaine from Venezuela in what it called “a most regrettable incident.” The CIA’s revelations came out in The New York Times on 11/20. The spin the CIA gave the Times was that it was trying to sting Haiti’s National Intelligence Service (SIN) - which the CIA itself had created. 

      The New York Times, 11/14/93: “1980s CIA Unit in Haiti Tied to Drug Trade - Political Terrorism committed against Aristide supporters: The Central Intelligence Agency created an intelligence service in Haiti in the mid-1980s to fight the cocaine trade, but the unit evolved into an instrument of political terror whose officers sometimes engaged in drug trafficking, American and Haitian officials say. Senior members of the CIA unit committed acts of political terror against Aristide supporters, including interrogations and torture, and in 1992 threatened to kill the local chief of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration. According to one American official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, ‘it was an organization that distributed drugs in Haiti and never produced drug intelligence.’” 

      How shocking to the innocents at CIA, who certainly had expected the remnants of ‘Papa Doc’ Duvalier’s secret police to be above venality.  The Haitian secret police were derisively called Tonton Macoutes, after the folk boogeyman used to scare children, ‘Uncle Gunnysack.’ They were formally called the Volunteers of the National Security (VSN). In the wake of Duvalier, the VSN changed its name to the National Security Intelligence (SIN).  That is, the SIN dealers, led by Brig. Gen. Raoul Cedras and Michel Francois, who overthrew the legally elected populist Jean-Bertrand Aristide in September of 1991, were armed and trained by Reagan’s and Bush’s CIA. Bush, of course, prior to his stint as Reagan’s veep, had been the Director of the CIA, and was chief of all intelligence operations of the Reagan administration.  Support for Cedras was Bush’s policy.  In fact, Bush’s CIA Director, Casey’s assistant Robert Gates, was actually stupid enough to call Cedras one of the most promising “Haitian leaders to emerge since the Duvalier family dictatorship was overthrown in 1986.” 2 

      When the DEA’s Tony Greco tried to stop a massive cocaine shipment from Haiti in May, 1991, four months before the coup overthrowing Aristide, Greco’s family received death threats on their private number from “the boss of the man arrested.”  The only people in Haiti who had that number were the coup leaders, army commander Raoul Cedras and his partner, Port-au-Prince police chief Michel Francois, “the boss of the man arrested.”  

Cedras; Francois; Avril; Constant

      A 1993 U.S. GAO report insisted that Cedras and Francois were running one of the largest cocaine export rings in the world.  In 1994, after this PR disaster, the U.S. militarily, under U.N. mandate, reinstalled Aristide by force in Operation Uphold Democracy, using 20,000 troops and costing a billion dollars. Cedras and company were not stupid enough to resist the U.S. military, and so allowed a peaceful transition back to civilian rule.  This was done on Clinton’s condition that Aristide relinquish power almost as soon as he got it, that is, that Aristide’s three years in exile be counted as part of his 5-year term. Clinton also insisted that the liberation theology Catholic priest Aristide nationalize nothing and privatize everything. 

      The only American officer tried for ‘insubordination’ during the Aristide reinstallation process was the one who insisted on looking into Cedras’ prisons. New York Times, 5/15/1995: “Fort Drum, N.Y., May 14 -— An Army officer who had undertaken an unauthorized inspection of a Haitian prison in search of human rights abuses was sentenced by a court-martial today to a discharge from the service, but he escaped a prison sentence…. In his own defense, Captain Rockwood had accused his superiors of ignoring reports of mistreatment of prisoners held by the Haitian military regime. He said it had been his duty to act because further delay might have cost lives.” Within 4 months of Aristide’s 1994 reinstallation, U.S. troops turned Haiti’s police functions back to Cedras, the U.S.-trained National Police, recruited from Cedras’ SIN security structure, Tonton Macoutes in uniform.

      Human Rights Watch/Americas reports that the National Police regularly murdered political activists as well as rival drug dealers. After the January, 1995 parliamentary elections, Senator Turneb Delpe, head of Aristide’s former coalition, the National Front for Change and Democracy, complained that “People may have voted freely, but then our political party observers were chased away, and ballot boxes confiscated. Is this democratic? 3

      President Aristide’s 1996 replacement, his pre-coup prime minister René Préval, proved so powerless as to be unable to keep his own prime minister much of the time. The April 1997 parliamentary election was perceived as so corrupt that only 5% of the population voted. Los Angeles Times, 3/8/97: “Lt. Col. Michel Francois, one of the CIA’s reported Haitian agents, a former Army officer and a key leader in the military regime that ran Haiti between 1991 and 1994, was indicted in Miami for smuggling 33 tons of cocaine into the USA.”  Added the livid Rep. Maxine Waters, who quoted this story on the floor of the House, 3/18/97, “Members of this House literally had wrapped their arms around drug dealers.  Members of this House not only swore by them and protected them, while they were protecting them, Francois was building an airstrip where he could receive the drugs...” 4

      The U.S. government continued to refuse to return 160,000 pages of documents seized in 1994 from the Haitian military and its  paramilitary arm, the Front pour l’Avancement et Progrés d’Haïti, FRAPH. Founded with CIA assistance, FRAPH was Cedras’ death squad. The U.S. admitted its involvement, saying that it will return the documents only after it has finished excising the names of U.S. agents involved with the FRAPH.

      U.S. Department of State, Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, 2016 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report: “Haiti remains a transit point for cocaine originating in South America and marijuana originating in Jamaica, traversing the country’s porous borders en route to the United States and other markets.”

      In August 1997, the State Department once again prevented the deportation of FRAPH death squad leader Emmanuel Constant, who had received regular CIA payments throughout his tenure under Cedras. Both Cedras and Francois are graduates of the U.S. Army’s School of the Americas.  Both got their training during the Contra years in Haiti’s CIA-founded National Intelligence Service (SIN) structure led by Noriega allies Lt.Cols. Jean Paul and Prosper Avril, both indicted dopers.

      Like Noriega, they helped Maj. Generals John Singlaub and Richard Secord finance the Contras, by dealing cocaine and arms with the CIA.  It is here, at the highest structural levels of U.S. military intelligence, at the level that is able to consciously subvert the political will of the State Department, that ‘Contra’ turns into ‘Iran-Contra.’  With CIA control of much of the DEA, and possessed of DEA statutory authority to overrule medical experts, coca leaf remains illegal, and legally equated with cocaine, which is like legally equating kitchen matches with grenades. The criminalization of coca leaf, of course, popularizes cocaine, and makes it artificially valuable enough to trade for weapons. Hence the Contra Cocaine operation, revealed by my friend, the heroic DEA agent Cele Castillo, who gave me his evidence photos and official DEA reports to use in my Contra Cocaine chapter.  This reporting cost Castillo his job, and almost his life.

      In 1987, the Far Eastern Economic Review reported serious allegations that $700 million of the $1.09 billion appropriated by Congress between 1980 and 1986 to the CIA Directorate of Operations for the mujahideen never reached them, much of it redirected to the Contras. Wrote an apoplectic Secretary of State George Shultz, “The CIA and the NSC staff, with the apparent support from the ...Vice President [George H.W. Bush], were still proceeding as though nothing had happened.  Congress was being misled now, a month and a half after the revelation [of Air Hasenfus] first appeared.  What was worse, [Deputy Secretary of State] John Whitehead said, ‘the CIA has told the Iranians that the State Department is just a temporary impediment, and that after it calms down, [ranking CIA agents] Cave and Secord will be back in action.’  The president is being ripped to pieces, and the CIA is reassuring the Iranians!” 5 6  

        Funny how the conservative Reaganaut Shultz ended up with the same analysis of CIA/State relations as the liberal Schlesinger. When Shultz replaced Alexander Haig as Reagan’s Secretary of State in 1982, he found that DCIA Casey, on his own, with no authorization, was preparing to launch an invasion of Suriname in NE South America with 175 Korean commandos backed by the CIA.  Fortuntely Shultz had the brains and the clout to kill the idea. “It was a hare-brained idea, crazy. I was shaken to find such a wild plan put forward…. the CIA and Bill Casey were as independent as a hog on ice and could be as confident as they were wrong.”  On another occasion, Shultz said “The CIA’s intelligence was in many cases simply Bill Casey’s ideology.” Casey chased independent analysts out of the service. When the CIA’s best analysts insisted that the Contras had no chance in Nicaragua, Casey buried their reports and stovepiped their section, building his own rubber-stamp ‘war room.’  In charge of Casey’s Latin America war room was Dewey Clarridge, who didn’t even speak Spanish. 7 

      Shultz was one of the few Republicans who had the guts to call for drug legalization, so as to simply bankrupt the drug gangs, permanently, since legal prohibition is the only reason these commodities are worth so much.  On June 8, 1998, Shultz added his signature to the Lindesmith Center’s open letter to Secretary General Kofi Annan on the first day of the U.N. General Assembly’s three-day Special Session on drug policy.  Signatories included Paul Volcker, George Papandreou, Richard Branson, Isabel Allende, Ariel Dorfman, Belisario Betancur, Oscar Arias, Gunter Grass, George Papandreou, Javier Perez de Cuellar, Alan Cranston, Milton Friedman, Stephen Jay Gould, Lester Grinspoon, Nicholas Katzenbach, George Soros and hundreds of the world’s most astute scientists, businesspeople, writers and political leaders, asserting, in The New York Times, that "We believe the global war on drugs is now causing more harm than drug abuse itself."  

      Joe Trento, in the Wilmington News-Journal, 1/10/81: “Califano and Haig worked hand in hand in keeping the nationalists from the Cuban Brigade happy. They even checked out potential members for the hit teams with older members of the Cuban Brigade.”  This was confirmed by both Ricardo Canette, a leading member of the hit teams, and a top official of the Defense Intelligence Agency who was Haig’s Marine liaison in 1963-64. 

      As Special Assistant to the Secretary of the Army in 1962, Califano reported directly to Secretary of Defense Cyrus Vance. The “older members of the Cuban Brigade” Califano and Haig were so concerned to keep happy included the hard core of Santos Trafficante’s Batistiano assassins, the former leaders of Batista’s secret police. When the Cuba operation was discontinued, military intelligence sent Joe Califano to the White House as Johnson’s Defense Department liaison and then, on 1/26/1965, Special Assistant, to help Johnson run the Vietnam War the way the DOD wanted. Califano went on to become Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare and the founder and chairman of The National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse at Columbia University. 8

      Califano is a key to understanding the drug propaganda not only by virtue of an analysis of his intentional sophistry (see Vol. 1), but by virtue of his covert relationships.  Is it a coincidence that a high-level CIA agent who coordinated National Security Council operations with Santos Trafficante’s dope-dealing assassins became the country’s leading antidrug propagandist?  I don’t think so. The centers of power responsible for dealing the drugs are the same centers of power disseminating the artificial hysteria necessary for their continued criminalization.  That keeps the retail price a hundred times higher than the natural value and the trade exclusively in the hands of the muscle. Another name for the muscle is military intelligence.  The symbiosis works both ways – the hoods get their price support and political protection, and the military privateers get their lucrative endless war.

      In Mexico, in July of 1995, conservative PANista businessman Ricardo Cordero Ontiveros was named head of the intelligence division in the Tijuana office of the Attorney General’s National Institute for Combating Drugs, the INCD, their DEA. By November 1995, Cordero was not only forced from his job, but had to leave under heavy military escort, for fear of assassination. The threat came not from the Tijuana pistoleros, but from the Federal Judicial Police.  Cordero had outraged the federales by calling them a bunch of drunken slobs whose only work was the collection of graft from the Tijuana cartel. Since he could prove what he was saying,  he had to leave Tijuana in a hurry. 9

      Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) director General Barry McCaffrey was therefore relieved in December of 1996 at the appointment of a career army officer, Gen. José de Jesús Gutiérrez Rebollo, rather than another corrupt politician, to head the INCD. Gen. Gutiérrez, said General McCaffrey, “has a reputation of impeccable integrity, and he is known as an extremely forceful and focused commander.” 10 

      That’s almost exactly what CIA agent Joe Califano said about McCaffrey’s appointment as U.S. drug czar.  General McCaffrey was transitioning from the U.S. Southern Command to the ONDCP. The marijuana-as-stepping stone advocate, with no training in addiction science or pharmacology, insisted that we haven’t been tough enough, and that he could use his counterterrorism experience to end the drug war in 10 years:  “This isn't a tough problem like AIDS or racism or poverty.  We know where the drugs are grown, we know where they’re moved, we know how the international money-laundering system works. We know the names of a lot of people that are involved, and we’re after them.  This is a 10-year struggle to protect our children.” 11

      “We know where the drugs are grown” - you mean like the whole world?  We know how the international money-laundering system works, but have never successfully disrupted it? He’s going to protect our children by interdicting 1%, thus maintaining the drug price support?  He’s going to end the drug war in 10 years?  Isn’t that like Vietnam’s “victory is just around the corner”?  I know he’s not that stupid, which leaves only one other option. 

      On February 19, 1997, after less than three months on the job, Gen. Gutiérrez was relieved of his INCD command and formally charged with being on the payroll of Amado Carillo Fuentes, Mexico’s “Lord of the Skies.’’ Carillo, a relative of the Medellín cartel‘s Jorge Ochoa,  had pioneered the use of low-flying jetliners to transport multiton loads of cocaine from his Colombian partners to Mexico. A power for years under Salinas, Carillo did this from his position within Mexican military intelligence. He carried Mexican Federal Judicial Police Group Chief credentials for special investigations and an officer’s gold card.

      Lucindo Carillo, cousin of Amado, was also un Jefe de Grupo de PJF, in Agua Prieta, Sonora, bordering Arizona, near the Baja California coast. The PJF Commandant in Agua Prieta, Luis Manuel Palofax-Juarez, was also a documented associate of Amado Carillo. Gen. Gutiérrez, one of the most powerful men in Mexican military intelligence, and his two top military aides, were also formally charged with stacking the INCD with Carillo’s agents.

      Before he was relieved of command, Gen. Gutiérrez had been given repeated top-secret briefings on all Mexican-American antismuggling efforts and intelligence, including definitive lists of the INCD/DEA’s paid Mexican informants, many of whom ended up dead.  “The Lord of the Skies” might as well have been personally briefed by General Barry McCaffrey himself. The head of the DEA, Thomas Constantine, said Gen. Gutiérrez probably would prove more damaging to the DEA than Aldrich Ames had been to the CIA. 12 

      “Aw shucks,” said Boy Scout Barry, “I didn’t know.” DEA spokesman James McGivney backed McCaffrey up: “It’s not our job to vet these people. We don’t go around spooking military and government officials; we’ve got enough to do with the crooks.”  Pollyanna is running the DEA? Am I supposed to believe that the premier counterinsurgency expert of the vast U.S. Southern Command naval, air, radar and information system “just ain’t too good at this intelligence stuff”? Or should we rather assume that Mexico’s military, like the Pakistani military, buys U.S. arms with its drug profits, and that’s the reason Mexico’s cartel-financed political leadership consistently refuses to destroy the artificial value of Mexico’s drug crops by legalizing them?  Privateer McCaffrey now profits from those arms sales directly, effectively laundering, on a massive scale, the Mexican military’s drug money. 13

      San Quentin psychologist Dr. Richard Blum went on an intelligence mission for BNDD chief John Ingersoll in 1972, staying with the Federal Judicial Police in northern Mexico. He described how the federales seized 14 trucks full of pot, killled all 14 drivers, and then sold the pot themselves. 14

        On November 7th, 1991, 100 Mexican soldiers, helping to unload a planeload - tons - of Colombian cocaine near Veracruz for the Lord of the Skies, were interrupted by Mexican drug agents. Seven of the drug agents were shot through the head, execution style. The DEA plane that videotaped the incident was strafed.  The Colombian delivery plane escaped, the soldiers who executed the agents and offloaded the cocaine went unnamed and unpunished, and the coke was distributed.

      It is this army that McCaffrey, as head of the U.S. Southern Command, 1994-96, armed and trained in the name of the antidrug effort. McCaffrey’s ‘Hueys’ and ‘Rapid Reaction Units,’ of course, were invariably aimed by the Mexican military at poor campesinos trying to maintain control of their own land, rather than be turned into drug sharecroppers working for the military.  As Subcommander Marcos put it, in the Lacandona Jungle Declaration of August 1992 that announced the Zapatista rebellion: “Fifty-four percent of the population of Chiapas suffer from malnutrition, and in the highlands and forest this percentage increases to 80%. A campesino’s average diet consists of coffee, corn, tortillas, and beans. One million Indigenous people live in these lands and share a disorienting nightmare with mestizos and ladinos: their only option, 500 years after the ‘Meeting of Two Worlds,’ is to die of poverty or repression.”

Emiliano Zapata; Zapatistas

      On New Year’s Day, 1994, the day NAFTA went into effect, the Zapatistas took San Cristóbal de las Casas, the old colonial capital of Chiapas, and five surrounding towns.  Dozens of federal police were killed before the Zapatistas retreated into the rugged Cañadas.  Many other Chiapas towns then kicked out the PRI and told its caciques what to do with their demands for a majority share of their crop. The Zapatista ‘International Encounter’ statement of August, 1996 insisted that the drug war “has converted narcotrafficking into one of the most successful clandestine means of obtaining extraordinary profits” and called for “channelling the resources destined for combatting narcotrafficking into programs of development and social welfare.” 

Zapatistas; Salinas and Bartlett

      Shortly after the January 1994 onset of the Zapatista rebellion, in late April, Defense Secretary William Perry huddled with his Mexican counterpart, Gen. Enrique Cervantes Aguirre, Gen. Gutiérrez’ direct commanding officer, to “explore ways in which our militaries could cooperate better.” In May, along with the first dozen of the 50 promised Hueys, combat helicopters, went General Barry McCaffrey to oversee the formation of GAT, the Anti-Terrorist Group.  GAT coordinated Mexico’s secret service death squads with those of Guatemala, Spain and Argentina to prevent freelance campesino agricultural competition with the sanctioned cartels. This was an extrapolation of the CIA’s 1978 Confederación Anticomunista Latina, CAL, ‘Banzer Plan,’ which coordinated death-squad tracking of liberation theology priests and nuns throughout Latin America, part of the CIA’s ‘anti-drug’ Operation Condor. 

      Gen. Cervantes’ direct commanding officer, Mexican President Salinas, served from December 1, 1988 to November 30, 1994, and retired a billionaire.  Juan García Abrego, head of the Gulf cartel, was a close lifelong friend of the Salinas family.  The 1988 election was stolen for Salinas by PRI Interior Minister Manuel Bartlett Diaz.  Seeing that the left-of-center National Democratic Front, led by Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas Solórzano, was headed for victory, Bartlett crashed the electoral computer, forcing a hand-count.  Ten days later Salinas was declared victorious with 52% of the vote. An independent analysis revealed Cárdenas over Salinas 42% to 36%.  The Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), leading the National Democratic Front, reported that between the beginning of the 1988 electoral campaign and 2/1/94, 263 of its people had been assassinated by military-cartel death squads. 15

      Carlos Salinas’ brother Raul, during the last year of the Salinas administration, 1994, transferred more than $120 million to Swiss banks. During this time, Deputy Attorney General Mario Ruiz-Massieu, Carlos Salinas’ bother-in-law, controlled Mexico’s Federal Judicial Police and its entire counternarcotics program, including the INCD. On March 3, 1995, U.S. officials stopped Mario Ruiz-Massieu at Newark International Airport with a ticket to Madrid,  $40,000 in cash, and $9 million more in the Houston Commerce Bank.

      The forfeiture proceeding filed by the Houston Division of the U.S. District Court alleged the systematic collusion of the Salinas administration with the country’s top drug dealers. It specifically named the entire Salinas family - father Raul, his son Carlos, the president, and Carlos’ brother and sister, Raul and Adriana.  It then goes on to detail specific instances of cooperation with every major drug trafficker in Mexico, including Juan García Abrego, Miguel Angel Felix Gallardo, the four Arellano Felix brothers, and Amado Carillo, the ‘lord of the skies.’

Boy Scout Barry McCaffrey; General Gutiérrez; Amado Carillo; DEA Director Thomas Constantine

      Customs discovered Ruiz-Massieu’s Texas bank accounts during their investigation of his role in the theft of over eight tons of cocaine from a jet seized in Sombrerete in August of 1994. While stuffing millions from García’s Gulf cartel into the bank, Mario Ruiz-Massieu, the CEO of Salinas’ War on Drugs, using America’s ‘antidrug’ largesse, provided directly to his agency by the DEA and Barry McCaffrey’s U.S. Southern Command, bought protection for the Gulf cartel’s massive drug smuggling into the U.S.. Perfect.

      Associates of Gen. Gutiérrez and Gen. Cervantes were well-covered in the DEA’s NADDIS database long before McCaffrey hailed Gen. Gutiérrez as Mexico’s salvation at the head of the INCD.   On February 18, 1997, Mexican Defense Secretary Cervantes, feigning ignorance of his own high command, like McCaffrey, announced that Gutiérrez had systematically supported the Carillo cartel for 7 years.  As head of the U.S. Southern Command, 1994-1996, McCaffrey worked directly with Gen. Gutiérrez for some of those years. Given his resources, and his brains, it is impossible that this professional military intelligence officer didn’t know precisely what he was doing.  It is interesting that while the DEA pegged Gutiérrez correctly, the CIA profile was solid McCaffrese. 17

      To call this ‘corruption’ or ‘narcocracy’ is, in a sense, to miss the point.  It’s just economics.  Thanks only to the artificial Prohibition-created value of drugs, Mexican drug gangs rake in $20-$30 billion a year in profits, according to a University of Guadalajara study. That gives them billions to dedicate to buying key officials and police units.  There simply is no other power in Mexico that can compete.  The great drug gangs actually conduct turf wars in Mexico using whole police forces as proxies.  McCaffrey, supplying these police forces through the U.S. Southern Command, consistently portrayed the Mexican military as beleaguered boy scouts, like his spokesman, Pollyanna, from the DEA. 19

      The DFS/DGSN, of course, was the enforcement arm of the PRI, Mexico’s ruling party. PRI stands for ‘Institutional Revolutionary Party’ - how’s that for an oxymoron? It had ruled Mexico uninterruptedly since 1921, using and discarding ‘kingpins’ as needed.  What remains is the DFS/DGSN - the Federal Security Directorate/General Directorate of Investigations and National Security; the IPS - the Bureau of Social and Political Investigations; and the PJF - the Federal Judicial Police. The Mexican government has been running the drug trade on an ‘institutional’ level since the 1920s.  Not only was all of this public knowledge, the DFS/DGSN Interior Ministry was, in fact, the CIA’s main base in Mexico. 

      In May of 1994 Eduardo Valle Espinosa quit as Federal Deputy Attorney General.  Valle, who had been waging frontline war against Juan García Abrego’s Gulf cartel, insisted that “Nobody can outline a political project in which the heads of drug trafficking and their financiers are not included. Because if you do, you die.”  Before he became Mexico’s top nark, Gen. Gutiérrez was in charge of the coastline port state of Jalisco, the capital of which is Guadalajara. Gutiérrez earned his reputation as a nark by helping the Guadalajara cartel deal with its competition, most notably with the June 1995 arrest of Hector “Whitey” Palma, a leader of the rival Sinaloa crew. 

      Since three-quarters of South America’s cocaine must pass through Mexico on its way to the U.S., we are talking about a very high stakes power game - tens of billions in regular trade - $30 billion annually according to the U.S. Justice Department. That’s fully 10% of Mexico’s GDP.  Mexican military intelligence is not about to let that kind of power slide.  That’s why General Gutiérrez’ two top military aides were also indicted - they were under orders.  That kind of money buys armaments, the sale of which is General McCaffrey’s current occupation. That’s what his lavish praise of Gen. Gutiérrez was all about – arms sales.

      Any video of a McCaffrey think tank speech – the one I’m watching on C-Span is from 2/13/2009 - will show McCaffrey hyping the “crisis,” insisting that “it’s worth fighting over drugs” because “drug abuse in Mexico is skyrocketing, going up, not down.” “The potential profits are so enormous that corruption is threatening the rule of law and democracy,” so we need to help the Mexican military build “a federal police that is disciplined, high integrity, technically capable.” The fact that no one has ever done that doesn’t faze Boy Scout Barry. Same sales pitch for the past 30 years – hell, McCaffrey said the same thing about the Vietnamese government, and about Fujimori and Montesinos in Peru when he was arming them in the mid-1990s. Fluent in buraucratese, the guy is a great armaments salesman. He never once mentions that the “enormous profits” are due exclusively to our arbitrary Prohibition, and that his legal equation of whole herbs with refined concentrates is the main reason the concentrates are popular. It’s all military science with this guy, never addiction science, about which, he has proven, he knows nothing. 20

      Gen. Gutiérrez blew his cover to both press and police when he moved into a posh Mexico City apartment owned by one of Amado Carillo’s top lieutenants, with whom he was repeatedly seen. He was also sloppy enough to allow himself to be recorded talking money with Carillo himself on the phone. The General, whose INCD was directly financed by the DEA and McCaffrey’s Southern Command, must have felt very comfortable to have behaved so stupidly.

      Gutiérrez was defended in court by Tomás Arturo Gonzalez Velazquez, a very tough 43 year-old former military colleague of Gutiérrez. Gonzalez repeatedly insisted that the general’s arrest was part of a power struggle within Mexican military intelligence.  Gonzalez got very specific about the collaboration of top commanders, including  defense minister Cervantes, with the chief smuggling organizations. He even asserted that new President Zedillo’s brother-in-law had ties to a major methamphetamine trafficker. In a classified report given to Attorney General Reno in February of 1998, DEA officials confirmed many of Gonzalez’ accusations. Tomás Gonzalez was shot dead on April 21, 1998. 20

      The New York Times, 23 years after General McCaffrey informed us that “This is a 10-year struggle to protect our children.” "Former Mexican President Peña Nieto Took $100 Million Bribe, Witness at El Chapo Trial Says, By Alan Feuer, 1/15/2019:

      “The former president of Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto, took a $100 million bribe from Joaquín Guzmán Loera, the infamous crime lord known as El Chapo, according to a witness at Mr. Guzman’s trial.”

      “The stunning testimony was delivered Tuesday in a New York courtroom by Alex Cifuentes Villa, a Colombian drug lord who worked closely with Mr. Guzmán from 2007 to 2013, when the kingpin was hiding from the law at a series of remote ranches in the Sierra Madre mountains.”

      “According to Mr. Cifuentes, Mr. Peña Nieto first reached out to Mr. Guzmán about the time he was elected president in late 2012, asking the drug lord for $250 million in exchange for calling off a nationwide manhunt for him.”

      “But Mr. Guzmán made a counteroffer, Mr. Cifuentes added, saying he would give Mr. Peña Nieto only $100 million.”

      “While other witnesses at Mr. Guzmán’s trial in Federal District Court in Brooklyn have testified about huge payoffs from traffickers to the Mexican police and public officials, the testimony about Mr. Peña Nieto was the most egregious allegation yet. If true, it suggests that corruption by drug cartels had reached into the highest level of Mexico’s political establishment.”

      On 12/22/97, 45 unarmed Tzotzil campesinos, including 15 children, were slaughtered in their highland Chiapas village of Acteal. “This is a situation that defies understanding, where there has been no official will to get the violence under control,” protested Bishop Samuel Ruiz, the senior Catholic prelate in the Chiapas highlands. Ruiz insisted that PRI death squads were behind the massacre, because the Tzotzils had been peacefully supporting Zapatista political demands. Enraged Tzotzil youngsters who march off into the highlands to join the guerrillas, after burying their little sisters will then be accused of preferring bullets to ballots - and of being comunistas y narcotraficantes. 21

      In fact, Gen. Gomez, commander of the Chiapas military district, immediately accused Bishop Ruiz of San Cristobal de las Casas of being a guerrilla operative, as if that somehow mitigated the horror of the massacre. Gomez was apparently referring to the Bishop’s protest against the NAFTA-engineered collapse of the price of Chiapas produce.  The flood of cheap agricultural imports, which forced campesinos further into the slave-labor cash economy, was the major reason the Zapatistas rebelled in the first place.

      Responding to repeated reports of vicious human rights abuses by his alumni, one of which is Gen. Gomez, General McCaffrey  insisted that “It should not be my business how foreign countries organize for their counter-narcotics strategy.” That’s a very odd attitude for a financier to take toward the activity he is financing.  McCaffrey did make it his business to enroll more Mexican officers in the Airmobile Special Forces school at Ft. Bragg, and to deliver another 50 Hueys.  Is McCaffrey saying, once again, that he doesn’t give a damn how many gooks we kill?

      Despite the fact that not one single major narcotraficante had been extradited to the U.S. since the signing of a mutual extradition treaty in 1980, drug czar McCaffrey, on 2/26/98, called Mexican drug cooperation “absolutely superlative.” He went on to trumpet the creation of new police units and more additions to the Mexican military’s alphabet soup.  I assume McCaffrey means that the volume of Mexico’s purchases of our military equipment is “absolutely superlative.”

      That same day, Thomas Constantine, the head of the DEA, in formal testimony before the Senate, adamantly disagreed with McCaffrey: “None of these changes have produced significant results....  None have resulted in the arrest of the leadership or the dismantlement of any of the well-known organized criminal groups operating out of Mexico....  Unfortunately, virtually every investigation DEA conducts against major traffickers in Mexico uncovers significant corruption of law-enforcement [military] officials.” 22

      On October 2, 1996, drug czar Barry McCaffrey met personally with Vladimiro Montesinos in Peru. Montesinos was the head of Peru’s CIA, the National Intelligence Service, SIN.  It was to the SIN subdivision, the Narcotics Intelligence Division, DIN, also unilaterally controlled by Montesinos, that the CIA directed at least $10 million in cash payments from 1990 until September 2000.  These payments were acknowledged by U.S. officials to the Center for Public Integrity’s International Consortium of Investigative Journalists in 2001.

      The ostensible reason for McCaffrey’s 1996 visit was to help Montesinos and Fujimori defeat the Native American Shining Path guerrillas, who objected to the confiscation of their land by Fujimori and Montesinos so they could produce more cocaine. Fujimori’s racist rationale for his land theft was the demonization of the traditional tribal sacrament, coca leaves, which are, among other things, basic medicine for children.  Although the countryside was racked by epidemic cholera, the government put nothing at all into medical care, sanitation or structural economic projects. Millions of people had virtually no access to medical care, and no political hope of ever getting any.  If your 3-year-old daughter died of an easily preventable disease, and she was the last of your four children to die, would you pick up a gun? 

      Brazil’s Prof. Anthony Richard Henman, 1990: “...coca [is used] not only as an excellent physical stimulant, but also as a major element of traditional healing practices, and—through the support and stimulus given to myth recitation—the prime means of activating the collective memory. Thus, to attack coca chewing in the Amazon amounts to more than a minor act of behavioral retraining, on a par with making Indians cover their private parts. It involves a fundamental assault on the cohesion of a culture which has existed for millennia.” 

      Coca leaf tea is basic baby medicine – it is as harmless as orange pecoe tea.  It takes 2000 pounds of highland coca leaf to make 20 pounds of cocaine. To legally equate coca leaf with cocaine, as McCaffrey does, is as insane as legally equating kitchen matches with grenades. 2000 pounds of Idaho potato skins produce a few pounds of natural insecticides, glycoalkaloids and phenols, that are lethal if consumed, even in miniscule quantities, yet it’s perfectly safe and healthful to eat an Idaho potato. The equation of whole herbs with their refined concentrates is a racist snooker, enabling land theft and conquest.

      Quillabamba, peopled mostly by the highland Aymara of southern Peru, a Sendero Luminoso stronghold, is the ancient Incan capital of the department of Cuzco on the eastern Amazonian slopes of the Central Andes. It’s a popular tourist stop on the way to the ancient 15th-century Inca citadel of Machu Picchu. 

A family ritual using Coca in Quillabamba. Coca is as sacred in Incan culture as Passover Wine in Jewish culture; Catherine J. Allen

      “By the mid-1960s, a process of land reform was under way, which has led in turn to the emergence of a strong peasant federation in the area—the Federación de Productores Campesinos de La Convención y Lares (FEPCACYL). Understandably, FEPCACYL is a strong and highly articulate defender of the legal market in coca leaves; probably for this reason, La Convención is the only major coca producing region in South America never to have suffered the effects of forcible eradication. With Sendero Luminoso guerrillas poised on the very hilltops surrounding Quillabamba, any attempt at armed intimidation of coca growers could only lead to widespread bloodshed.” 23 

      Highland coca is very ecologically specific – it can only be grown in misty mountainous areas like Quillabamba or the Upper Huallaga Valley. Montesinos and Fujimori, the most powerful cocaine dealers in the world, wanted ownership of this rich coca-growing region, and so responded to Sendero Luminoso with paramilitary forces of their own, known as rondas or “blackheads.” The rondas operated as irregulars for the Peruvian Army. Operation Aries, April, 1994, challenged Sendero Luminoso for control of the Upper Huallaga Valley, located, like Quillabamba, in ‘the higher jungle.’  According to Peru’s National Coordinator of Human Rights, the Peruvian Army’s tactics consisted entirely of machine-gunning the mountain hamlets from the air, then landing in force to gang-rape, murder and loot. The Army didn’t engage the guerrillas once. It hit their families. When the International Committee of the Red Cross came to investigate, it was denied access to the entire region. As Peruvian Gen. Luis Cisneros explained, “It is necessary to kill ten peasants to kill one guerrilla.”  On October 2, 1996, Gen. McCaffrey was visiting Montesinos and Fujimori to arrange American arms shipments to Gen. Cisneros.

      Alberto Fujimori, a grey academic aiming at a Senate seat, was elected president of Peru in an election rigged by the National Intelligence Service, SIN.  Without the fraud, Peru’s 1990 President would have been the great writer Mario Vargas Llosa.  SIN’s 1990 election liaison to Fujimori was long-time CIA agent Vladimiro Montesinos. The Madrid daily La Vanguardia called him “the second most powerful man in Peru, after the president.” That was an understatement. 24 

Montesinos and Fujimori; Fujimori and McCaffrey

      During the 1980s, Montesinos built a reputation as the top drug lawyer in Peru. “Within a few years, Montesinos became a sought-after legal and administrative strategist for drug traffickers, providing services that went far beyond the practice of law. He rented homes for Colombian traffickers, advised accessories of traffickers when to go into hiding, managed the disappearance of files of fugitive Colombian traffickers to prevent extradition requests, and in at least one case, produced falsified documents to buttress his defense of a cocaine dealer…. For the drug mafia…Montesinos’ handle on the system made him almost indispensable.” 25

      According to Peru’s most famous journalist, Gustavo Gorriti, quoted above, Montesinos had been investigated by the DEA for “his connection to the most important Peruvian drug cartel in the 1980s, the Rodriguez-Lopez organization, and also links to some Colombian traffickers.” In 1986, when Reynaldo Rodriguez-Lopez went on trial for running the largest cocaine smuggling organization in Peru, Vladimiro Montesinos ran his legal team. 26

      Montesinos also represented the more important police generals indicted for being on Rodriguez-Lopez’ payroll. In a brilliant series of covert moves among his police and military contacts, Montesinos used the case to take control of the Peruvian Attorney General’s office, arranging the military replacement of the original prosecutor with his own puppet.

      Immediately upon election in 1990, Fujimori chose to live and work in the Military Circle, an exclusive Army officer’s club. This kept him unavailable to the press between the election and his inauguration. Montesinos remained Fujimori’s SIN handler. His title was ‘National Security Adviser.’  According to Human Rights Watch/Americas,  “A death squad composed of members of the SIN and military agents and organized under Montesinos’ direction has been responsible for some of the most serious rights violations attributed to the armed forces under Fujimori’s administration, including disappearances, torture and illegal executions.” 27

      On the night of November 3, 1991, a death squad armed with the army’s assassination weapon of choice, silencer-equipped H&K submachine guns, burst into a Lima barrio chicken barbecue. The pro-Sendero sentiments of the locals had proven obnoxious, since Barrios Altos was less than 30 meters from the police intelligence directorate’s headquarters and 50 meters from another police precinct. 

      Despite the presence of a troop transport filled with soldiers, or perhaps because of it, 16 people, including children, were left riddled with machine-gun bullets.  A horrified witness jotted down the license plate numbers on the death-squad vehicles. One was assigned to the office of Santiago Fujimori, the president’s brother, and the other to the office of David Mejía, the vice-minister of the interior.

      The outraged Congress appointed a commission of inquiry, which revealed that the murders were the work of the officially-sanctioned death squad of the Army Intelligence Service, the ‘Colina Group.’ The Colina was led by Gen. Julio Salazar, a subordinate of Vladimiro Montesinos. Just as prosecutor Pablo Livia was preparing to do ballistic tests on weapons belonging to army intelligence, he was taken off the case. To prevent the Congress from taking corrective action, Montesinos’ Army suspended it, the constitution, civil liberties, the vice-presidency and the supreme court  - at gunpoint, April 5, 1992. 

      According to Gorriti, in one of the first actions taken after the April coup, “army intelligence officers had ransacked archives in the judiciary and in the prosecutor’s offices mainly to get hold of all the cases in which Vladimiro Montesinos, Fujimori’s closest adviser, was involved as a lawyer for drug traffickers and perhaps other documents that Fujimori does not want the public to know.”

      Gorriti says that “in late 1990, Montesinos also began expanded cooperation with the CIA, and in 1991 the National Intelligence Service he controlled began to organize a secret antidrug outfit with funding, training and equipment provided by the CIA.” 28 

      This move enraged the DEA in Lima, because President Bush’s CIA switched Peruvian antidrug operations from DEA to CIA control. According to a 1991 DEA internal report quoted in the Miami Herald, “Montesinos has gained the president’s unconditional confidence, and using that position, he arranges the appointment of ministers and advisers as well as transfers of Army officers . . . always with the aim of supporting narcotics trafficking.” Remember, that’s DEA intelligence experts talking.

      But, adds Gorriti,  “As far as I know, the secret intelligence unit never carried out antidrug operations. It was used for other things, such as my arrest.” Gorriti, as the Peruvian correspondent for Spain’s prestigious El País, had the juice to survive his arrest, but he had to leave the country immediately. The contents of his computer did not survive.

      Former Vice President San Román declared that since the coup “the number of airplanes carrying drugs has been increasing steadily.” Immediately after the 1992 coup the U.S. announced it was dismantling its antidrug night radars in northern Peru, without giving an explanation. According to San Román, this was done to facilitate the drug trade, which he says was now directly organized by Montesinos’ National Intelligence Service. “The CIA trains the SIN’s intelligence units in everything from vetting witnesses to polygraph testing; it has even donated jeeps.”  Just as with Cedras in Haiti, George H.W. Bush’s CIA was the chief financier and trainer of the coup engineers. 29 30

      In late 1992, Fujimori’s erstwhile Vice President, Máximo San Román, who had been proclaimed Peruvian President by the dissolved Congress, arranged the publication of loyalist intelligence reports on the Barrios Altos massacre. magazine broke the story, identifying the SIN killers and tracing the chain of command all the way to Montesinos. Fujimori’s reaction to the story was to specifically promote all the named killers. 

      “I fear that my country will fall into the hands of the Mafia,” moaned San Román. Mario Vargas Llosa said the same thing, as did Peruvian-born economist Hernando de Soto, who negotiated the pact under which the Peruvian government was enlisted in Washington’s war on drugs.  All these critics fled the country, fearing execution by Montesinos’ secret police. But Peru, Clinton told all, as he used McCaffrey to shovel weapons at Montesinos, is a democracy. 31

      U.S. Undersecretary of State for Latin American Affairs Bernard Aronson was present in Lima the day of the April 5, 1992 coup. A few weeks earlier Aronson had urged all possible aid to Fujimori “to avoid a holocaust comparable to Hitler’s gas chambers or Pol Pot’s death camps.” That is, the U.S. knew the coup was coming and publicly sold and supported it. When it happened, President Bush not only prevented the OAS from taking any action, but sent Vietnam vets to teach Alberto and Vladimiro all about “strategic hamlets,” which now dotted the Peruvian countryside.

Sendero Luminoso troops in the field

      This was done in contravention of the post-coup U.S. Congressional ban on military aid to Peru - as an antidrug operation, the one exception to the ban.  Peru’s main naval base in Puccallpa, in the department of Ucayali, was turned into the main U.S. base for regional antinarcotics operations. The entire department of Ucayali was then put under the martial law of the Peruvian Navy, as a combined U.S.-Peruvian antinarcotics operation. Peru’s Navy was armed to the teeth during its ‘aid suspension.’      

      This enabled the well-funded Navy to do double duty as the Peruvian Cocaine Transport Service. On July 3, 1996, police in Vancouver took 120 kilos of cocaine off a Peruvian Navy ship. On July 11, 62 kilos of coke were removed from the Peruvian Navy warship Ilo.  This has been the uninterrupted pattern for years.

      On July 18, 1992, nine students and a professor were abducted from Lima’s La Cantuta University, then under military control. On April 3, 1993, a group of active-duty army officers, calling themselves the Sleeping Lions, sent the new post-coup Congress an affidavit asserting that the ‘La Cantuta disappeared’ had been  killed not by Sendero Luminoso, as Montesinos claimed, but by Montesinos’ Colina death squad, under the leadership of Gen. Julio Salazar. The Sleeping Lions named all the officers involved, proving their case with internal Army documents. The massive publicity put the CCD’s Human Rights Commission into action. The CCD was the post-coup Democratic Constituent Congress, put together by Fujimori, 11/92.  The two major opposition parties boycotted the polls in protest of the coup, so the Congress was elected with only 18% of the eligible electorate.  But the CCD’s Human Rights Commission report, publicizing the information from the Sleeping Lions, put Montesinos and General Hermoza, who had ordered the hit, on the trail of the Sleeping Lions.

      When the new Congress’ Human Rights Commission  threatened to indict virtually the entire Army high command, including Montesinos and Hermoza, Gen. Hermoza drove up to its gates with 50 tanks. This encouraged passage of the La Cantuta Amnesty law, which placed such cases in secret military courts. The law was made retroactive. Since Fujimori had suspended the Tribunal of Constitutional Guarantees, the La Cantuta Amnesty law was, by definition, constitutional. The Amnesty Law was repealed on the fall of the Fujimori government in 2001. On April 8, 2008, Julio Salazar was sentenced to 35 years for the La Cantuta Massacre, carried out by Montesinos’ Grupo Colina. In April, 2009, a Peruvian court condemned Fujimori to 25 years for the Barrios Altos and Cantuta massacres and other “crimes against humanity.” In September 2006, Montesinos was sentenced to 20 years for his direct role in providing 10,000 assault rifles to his business partners in FARC.

      Fearing for his family’s safety, the leader of the Sleeping Lions, Gen. Rodolfo Robles, third in command of the Peruvian Army,  asked for asylum at the American embassy on May 6, 1993. The respected commander of the Peruvian Army’s academic centers denounced “the systematic violation of the human rights of the Peruvian population on the part of a group of thugs who, under the orders of the ex-army captain Vladimiro Montesinos Montesinos [sic] and the servile approval of EP General Nicolas de Bari Hermoza Rios, the unworthy commanding general of the EP [Peruvian Army], are committing crimes that are unjustly smearing all of the glorious Peruvian army.... an unscrupulous pair... in charge of a band of uniformed thugs,...[running] machinery for coercion, blackmail, and annihilation.”

      In a statement read by his wife and brother, General Robles then went on to catalog the many death-squad murders of pro-democracy Peruvians, including the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta massacres. “The crime of La Cantuta in which a professor and nine students were victimized, was committed by a ‘Special Intelligence Detachment’ that operates under the direct orders of presidential adviser and virtual chief of SIN Vladimiro Montesinos.”

      General Robles also catalogued dozens of Army field massacres and gang-rapes, all confirmed by Amnesty International and Peru’s Coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos. Gen. Robles’ 1996 book is called Crime and Impunity: The ‘Grupo Colina’ and Power. The bodies of the La Cantuta ten were found in July of 1993.  The forensic evidence confirmed everything that General Robles said. 32 

      Three months later Fujimori announced that he was going to turn Peru’s jungles into a “Little Vietnam.” Thanks to all that “anti-narcotics”  military equipment from General Barry McCaffrey’s U.S. Southern Command, he did. When the OAS came to investigate the mass-murder, Fujimori refused to allow it. That was the first time in its history that a member state refused to meet with an OAS human rights commission. By the end of 1995, the war had claimed more than 30,000 lives, caused $25 billion in damages, and forced 600,000 refugees to flee the countryside.

      Warfare, of course, is big business. According to the Mexican paper La Reforma, the Fujimori cartel went into the business of buying black market Soviet heavy arms for resale to the Peruvian military. This is financed by 15 dummy corporations  - Wotan International, Colinsa, Crousillat Brothers, Mobetek, Vifebrina, Debrett, Benavides, etc. - washing drug money.

      A hint as to how this money was earned was provided by the May 10, 1996 discovery of 169 kilos of pure cocaine in Fujimori’s own DC-8 heading to Paris. The pilot was Air Commander Alfredo Escarcena Ichikawa, Fujimori’s military attaché and an old crony. The owners of the laundromat corporations were presidential brother Santiago Fujimori, nephew Isidro Kagami Fujimori, and cronies Augusto and Manuel Miyagusuku. Their surplus Nicaraguan Russian helicopter gunships were used to contest control of Peru’s coca basket, the Upper Huallaga Valley.

      The goals of the Peoples Army of Liberation, Sendero Luminoso, the ‘Shining Path’ of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP), in its own angry words, were “to serve the people’s…rights to education, culture, arts, science, philosophy, health care, adequate housing and recreation areas, and dignifying employment, with the proletarian application and development of technology to increase industrial production, thus reducing the required working hours and the number of working days; in synthesis, freedom from working one’s skin off for greedy capitalists and landlords; which necessarily implies a society without exploitation nor repression.” 33

      Utopian, yes, but certainly not maniacal. These people were caricatured as maniacal only because when shot at, they shot back. The PCP defined Peru’s number one political problem as “feudalism,” that is, the absentee ownership and sharecropping forced on the Native campesinos by the conquistador elite.

Sendero Luminoso

      The Ashaninkas of lowland Amazonian Peru joined Sendero Luminoso en masse.  The PCP gave them a way to interrupt the systematic “rape, land theft, unpaid labor, and robbery through unequal trade.”  Socialist ideology is attractive to these people because tribal lands, and social responsibilities, are traditionally held in common. They associate “capitalist” with “conquistador,” and “communist” with “tribal.” Communal ownership of land provides a way to claw back what was stolen. Sendero Luminoso advocated land redistribution. This was to be combined with replacement of the ubiquitous coca leaf with diversified food crops. This would localize and diversify an internationalized monocrop economy. It would also remove the Army’s excuse, and motive, for stealing campesino land. You can’t buy weapons with corn. 

      Crop replacement was to be done not with coercion, but with economic incentive, by collapsing the price of coca leaf through controlled legalization. That is hardly the position of narcotraficantes.  Any photo of Sendero troops, as the ones above, simply shows the local young women and men of fighting age.  Decree 22095 of 1978 specifically criminalized highland culture by prohibiting the possession and sale of coca leaves at altitudes below 1500 meters.  It became illegal to be an Inca. Prohibiting coca to Aymaras is like prohibiting wine to Italians.  It can’t be done, and if you try, you get an impolite response. 

      Sendero dreams of peace notwithstanding, in the absence of international legalization and agricultural infrastructure, the regional economy was dependent on Syndicate coca dealers.  Since Fujimori’s secret police were running the Syndicate, Fujimori’s government had absolutely no intention of replacing the monocrop coca economy, rather the Fujimori government concentrated on stealing Aymara land. He did this with the help of Gen. Barry McCaffrey, leading the U.S. Southern Command.

      Fujimori, legally, ran the national coca monopoly he inherited from the Spanish, Empresa Nacional de la Coca, ENACO. ENACO legally converts some 5,000 metric tons of coca leaves into most of the world’s medical cocaine.  Surgically effective local anesthesia was invented with cocaine. In 1884, Freud’s colleague in Vienna, Karl Koller, the ‘father of ophthalmology,’ used cocaine hydrochloride to make eye surgery possible for the first time, because it was effective enough to suppress the blink reflex. Spinal block anesthesia, a very major surgical breakthrough, was invented the next year using cocaine.

      Coca cultivation was the only way many campesinos could feed their families. Coca legalization, of course, would collapse ENACO’s monopoly. There is no reason there shouldn’t be a massive legal trade in coca products, as there was in the days of Vin Mariani.  Fujimori wanted a nation of sharecroppers. The sharecroppers wanted title to their land,  a free market in coca,  and Fujimori dead. Both the Huallaga River Valley of the Incas and the Ene River Basin of the Ashaninkas became Fujimori free-fire zones. The typical Army tactic in the Ene River Basin was to massacre undefended campesino villages, and then publicize the murders as the work of “the Maoists.”

      Per their CIA training, military death squads and rondas dressed up like Senderistas dropped in on defenseless Indians who don’t know them. The shocked survivors swear the guerrillas did it. The establishment media, peopled by reporters who have bravely ridden to the front in government helicopters, swallowed this more often than not.

      On November 26, 1996, the leader of the Sleeping Lions, the forcibly retired Gen. Rodolfo Robles, supposedly free on amnesty, was arrested by Montesinos. Robles had just revealed that the October 17 “Maoist” bombing of the television station in Puno was a Colina Group COINTELPRO. Robles was joined in military prison by Gen. Enrique Delgado, the commander who arrested the three army intelligence agents who planted the Puno bomb.

      Labor leaders, who were potential PCP political allies, were also regularly assassinated in government COINTELPROS, which also framed the PCP.  It’s also easy to set off a “Maoist” car bomb.  The PCP had the highest ratio of frontline women commanders of any revolutionary group in the world.  Incan culture is basically matriarchal.  When the heroic young Edith Logos was murdered by the army in 1982, 20,000 people came to her funeral in Ayacucho, a town with a population of  70,000, despite the political danger. 

      The Peruvian Army regularly strafed and bombed campesino villages with the help of the U.S. Southern Command. As head of the U.S. Southern Command, and then as drug czar, Gen. McCaffrey coordinated the air forces of Peru, Colombia and Venezuela via Operation Laser Strike, August 1996 – June 1997, the PR for which had it “intercepting suspected drug-smuggling aircraft.”  This was done by incinerating campesino villages from the air, and then landing troops to machine-gun the survivors.  Sendero Luminoso, of course, had no aircraft.  The hatred this genocide engendered made the badly outgunned Sendero Luminoso politically invulnerable throughout much of rural Peru, although not militarily so.

      Explained The Seattle Times, 4/22/98, in its best Dudley-Do-Right McCaffrese: “A key reason the United States is willing to share drug intelligence with the Peruvian navy and air force, when it largely declines to do so in other countries, such as Colombia and Mexico, is the lack of corruption, U.S. officials said.”

      From 1990 to 1996, more than 300 Peruvian military personnel were investigated on charges of drug dealing. The consistent allegation had been that regional commanders overseeing clandestine airstrips received a $10,000 kickback per planeload of cocaine. So much for lack of corruption.

      In 1991, one of the most powerful Huallaga Valley drug lords was Demetrio Chavez Peñaherrera, known as El Vaticano, “The Soothsayer.” When Montesinos demanded that El Vaticano double his $50,000-a-month protection payment to $100,000, Chavez went over to the Shining Path. This, of course, caused SIN to dub Chavez a narcotraficante and track him down in Colombia.

      At his August 1996 trial, for subversion, Chavez insisted that his business relationship with Montesinos had included unhampered use of a clandestine military airstrip to export drugs to Colombia, and radio warnings of counternarcotics operations scheduled for the Huallaga Valley. Chavez’s airstrip was just a few miles from a major U.S.-Peruvian counterinsurgency base overseen by Barry McCaffrey.

      In testimony before the Peruvian Congress, following Chavez’ trial, Capt. Gilmar Valdivieso Rejas, a Sleeping Lion, asserted that the army commander of the Huallaga region, Gen. Eduardo Bellido, and his predecessor, provided cover for El Vaticano and other cocaine exporters. Valdivieso testified that in 1992, Lt. Col. Luis Aparicio Manrique had the engineers of the Upper Huallaga Special Project build a clandestine landing strip in Canuto, regularly used by Peruvian army helicopters to transport drugs. 34

      On January 12, 1995, the largest shipment of cocaine in Peruvian history was intercepted. A diary belonging to one of the 38 arrestees, José Luís Mendiola, detailed meetings with Gen. Manuel Ortiz Lucero, a member of the ruling Armed Forces Internal Command Front. Ortiz was the Vice Minister of the Interior and commander of the National Police. Also named was Police Maj. Edwin Burgos, who worked in the Central Operations Department.

      Evidence previously gathered, that led to the bust, linked the traffickers to the brother of army commander Gen. Nicolas de Bari Hermoza Rios, who took orders from Montesinos. Also named was Montesinos’ law partner, Edgar Solis. When Judge Carmen Rojas, on January 10, 1996, issued a warrant for the arrest of Ortiz and Solis, he was summarily dismissed by Montesinos. 

      Of 200 clandestine airstrips identified by DEA in 1995, SIN’s Anti-Drug Police destroyed 3, which were immediately rebuilt.  Of 650 tons of cocaine produced in Peru, SIN seized 7, which was later resold to wholesalers. SIN’s “antidrug” operation was simply selective commercial extortion.  He who got busted was either outside the loop or forgot to pay his taxes.  Any small grower who complained was a “narcoterrorist.” Any DEA agent who got too close was either killed or transferred, set up by the SIN-CIA agents in his own command structure. 35

      When Drug Czar Barry McCaffrey met personally with Vladimiro Montesinos in Peru on October 2, 1996, McCaffrey told the press that Montesinos was “an honest adviser…and…an outstanding and knowledgeable strategist.” Same BS as with General Gutiérrez. Given the public record, which included McCaffrey’s personal military role in helping Montesinos organize his genocidal war to deal drugs, it is impossible that ranking CIA agent McCaffrey didn’t know the drug-dealing assassin he was lauding, just as he certainly knew what General Gutiérrez was up to with the ‘Lord of the Skies.’ He was just peddling his weapons systems to his military customers. 36

      That was also the conclusion of Senators Patrick Leahy and Christopher Dodd. In a public letter that immediately followed McCaffrey’s meeting with Montesinos, to CIA Director John Deutch, these Senators demanded that the Agency cut its ties with Montesinos, because “We are aware of the links of Montesinos with violations of human rights, including massacres, torture, disappearances, and his links with drug cartels in Peru, whom he served before becoming an adviser to Fujimori.” Who’s the liar, Gen. McCaffrey, or Senators Leahy and Dodd?  37

        Bureau Of International Narcotics And Law Enforcement Affairs, 2018: “According to the latest U.S. government figures, Peru is the second largest producer of cocaine and cultivator of coca in the world, with an estimated 49,800 hectares (ha) of coca under cultivation in 2017. The majority of cocaine produced in Peru is transported to South American countries for domestic consumption, or for onward shipment to Europe, the United States, East Asia, and Mexico. Peruvians view security and corruption as the country’s most pressing problems and often list the Judiciary, Congress, and the Peruvian National Police (PNP) as the country’s most corrupt institutions. Corruption scandals have ensnarled many of Peru’s political figures, including former Presidents, members of Congress, regional governors, ministry officials, and judges.”  The Report then goes on to tout the establishment of more police stations in Peru. Word for word McCaffrese doubletalk.

      For fiscal 1998 Clinton and McCaffrey announced a billion-dollar ONDCP/Ad Council blitz: “There is every reason to believe that this absolutely will turn around drug abuse by youngsters.”  The ‘youngsters’ again – he’s arming Vladimiro Montesinos and Mexican General Cervantes for the ‘youngsters.’  Montesinos also used McCaffrey’s military largesse to heavily arm the coke-dealing FARC guerrillas in Colombia, who recently achieved legal liberation for their coke dealers as well. 

      Montesinos is currently serving a 15 year term at a maximum security prison in Peru.  He was sentenced to another 20 year term in 2006, and faces another 8 trials for arms smuggling, drug dealing and mass murder.  Clearly an “honest adviser.”  What McCaffrey was actually doing, by selling ‘anti-drug’ arms to Peru, was laundering Vladimiro Montesinos’ drug money, and arming the FARC. McCaffrey is, first and foremost, a privateer who respects nothing so much as profitable endless warfare. And he is as good a mom-and-apple-pie BS artist as Maxwell Taylor himself – handsome too. The TV presenters can’t wait to kiss his brass.

      Said McCaffrey, on his March 1996 installation as Clinton’s Drug Czar: “The new problems are obvious - they’re counterterrorism, they’re counterdrugs, they’re illegal movements of peoples, they’re arms smuggling, they’re transnational Marxist movements that have now become international criminal conspiracies, narco-guerrilla forces.”  That is, in this masterpiece of neofascist double-speak, the new problems are the old problems. Daddy Dulles would be proud. ‘Drugs’ are just like ‘Commies,’ an ‘international criminal conspiracy’ putting us under attack, a reason to support fascism. 38

      In 2019, 23 years after drug czar McCaffrey was going to end the drug war in ten years by helping the dope-dealers deal dope and slaughter campesinos, Trump, who is playing from Nixon’s drug war playbook, has his apparatchik Uttam Dhillon leading the DEA. Dhillon is another drug abuse expert with absolutely no training in addiction science or pharmacology, another DEA prosecuting attorney. “We’ve lost too many lives to the opioid epidemic…”  A new DEA hobbyhorse, now that the old ‘reefer madness’ has been irrevocably lost. Uttam never mentions the dozens of countries, like Holland, that don’t have an “opioid epidemic.” He never publicly asks why that is.  Is there something about policy we could learn from the Dutch?  Does he want victory, or endless warfare?

      Lying through his teeth, drug czar Barry McCaffrey insisted, over and over again in every interview, 1996-2001, that “not a shred of scientific evidence” exists to support medical marijuana and that no major national medical organization had endorsed marijuana for medical use.  McCaffrey apparently missed the medical endorsement of the American College of Physicians, the American Academy of Family Physicians, the American Nurses Association, the American Public Health Association, the Physicians Association for AIDS Care, the Lymphoma Foundation and the many other reputable groups and experts. I have actually heard both McCaffrey and Trump’s 2019 DEA parrot Dhillon, behind their legal power, and with no medical credentials at all between them, say that they are qualified to dictate medical practice to the American College of Physicians.  

      Ex-DEA Agent Michael Levine: “The drug war under President Clinton is bigger and healthier than ever.  It seems like every department in the federal government has a part in it - DEA, FBI, CIA, NSA, IRS, DIA, ATF, State Department, Pentagon, Customs, Coast Guard, Army, Navy, Air Force, Marines - and each one is fighting for more turf and a bigger chunk of the drug war budget.  When I started out in 1965 there were two federal agencies enforcing the drug laws, and the budget was less than $10 million.  Today [1993] there are 54 agencies involved and the budget is $13 billion. Orchestrating the whole mess is a Drug Czar who is generally a political appointment with no special qualifications for the job.” In 1991, the RAND Corp. estimated the total outlay of public funds at $30 billion. Today, 2019, given that the drug war is indistinguishable from the ‘war on terror,’ the total cost is in the hundreds of billions. 39 40  

      A thousand times more international effort goes into preventing poor people from medicating themselves than into getting medicine to poor people. The Pentagon spends more in one afternoon than the Peace Corps spends in a year.  The thing that made Kennedy so politically charismatic, at the dawn of the 60s, was his vision of an equation of those ratios.  How do you stop communism?  “Stop fascism,” replied Kennedy.  When the World Health Organization, in 1996, insisted that coca leaves, central South America’s most important medicine, and low-level cocaine products were safe, America threatened to withdraw WHO funding unless the position were reversed. 

      Drug czar McCaffrey, with no medical training whatever, insisted that the physicians running the World Health Organization, the most prestigious and functionally important medical organization on the planet, didn’t know what they were talking about.  Of course, with the inquisitorial drug prohibition laws put in place in America, 1906-1918, legally refreshed by Nixon in 1970, the cops in the DEA, although not medically qualified, do have the legal authority to overrule the physicians. Marijuana leaf, coca leaf and opium sap are not in the U.S. Pharmacopeia today not because the physicians think they don’t belong there, but because the DEA thinks they don’t belong there.  Trump’s DEA chiefs, Robert W. Patterson and his successor Uttam Dhillon, federal prosecutors, politicized lawyers, with no addiction science or medical credentials, simply parrot McCaffrey’s stepping stone BS about marijuana leaf, opium sap and coca leaf, pretending that whole herbs are the same thing as refined concentrates, and that they all lead to hell. 

      Poor little Bangladesh can’t even approach its economic problems with objective sanity.  Because cheap marijuana seeds grow almost anywhere and put down a one-foot taproot in 30 days, they break up compacted, dry soil and also help to bind wet soil subject to periodic flooding.  They are therefore one of the best reforestation crops known, especially since they’re not only ecologically but industrially valuable. Their use in “Bangladesh,” however, would cost the “cannabis-land-people” their diplomatic legitimacy and all their foreign aid.  (Google the etymology of ‘bhang.’) 

      The Nixon-engineered Controlled Substances Act of 1970 that Trump’s Dhillon administers is part of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act.  To decide which drugs to keep as Schedule I drugs, defined as having no currently accepted medical use, Congress created a commission to make recommendations. To head the commission, President Nixon appointed a tough-on-crime former prosecutor, Pennsylvania Republican Governor Raymond Shafer.  To Nixon’s surprise, the Shafer Commission recommended the decriminalization of marijuana.

      Dr. Lester Grinspoon, associate professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, began to write Marihuana Reconsidered after his 14 year-old boy started receiving chemotherapy for acute lymphoblastic leukemia.  “Vomiting for 8 hours a day was so demoralizing for this beautiful child.” Grinspoon found that marijuana was the only thing that could control the violent nausea.  “When I began to study marijuana in 1967, I had no doubt that it was a very harmful I reviewed the scientific, medical and lay literature....I came to understand that I, like so many other people in this country, had been brainwashed.” 41  42

      “The greatest advantage of cannabis as a medicine is its unusual safety.  The ratio of lethal dose to effective dose is estimated on the basis of extrapolation from animal data to be about 20,000:1 (compared to 350:1 for secobarbital and 4-10:1 for alcohol).  Huge doses have been given to dogs without causing death, and there is no reliable evidence of death caused by cannabis in a human being.  Cannabis also has the advantage of not disturbing any physiological functions or damaging any body organ when used in therapeutic doses.  It produces little physical dependence or tolerance; there is no evidence that medical use of cannabis has ever led to its habitual use as an intoxicant.” Professor Grinspoon has been a significant factor in the legalization of medical marijuana in 33 states – growing fast to all 50 states, as, in 2018, industrial hemp was re-legalized. 43

      “The undertreatment of pain in hospitals is absolutely medieval,” according to Dr. Russell Portnoy of the Pain Service of Sloan Kettering Memorial Hospital. The famous Libby Zion case, which saw the meperidine-induced 1984 death of a healthy 18 year old, is a study in pharmacological politicization. Libby showed up at New York Hospital’s emergency room suffering from flu-like symptoms, complicated by her prescription for the monoamine oxidase inhibitor (MAOI) phenelzine sulfate, another “antidepressant” concocted from industrial solvents (phenethyl chloride and hydrazine hydrate).  This contributed, as the Physicians’ Desk Reference clearly warns, to a “hypertensive crisis.”  To calm her, the inexperienced young intern prescribed ”Demerol,” meperidine, the morphine-substitute she had been taught to use.  Demerol, unfortunately, is a political substitute, not a pharmacological substitute. As the PDR stresses, “circulatory collapse, coma, and death have been reported in patients receiving MAOI therapy who have been given a single dose of meperidine.” Libby Zion got her shot of meperidine and went into circulatory collapse,  literally poisoned to death. 44 45

      A New York jury found three of the four doctors involved negligent for prescribing the contraindicated Demerol.  Rather than relaxing her with a traditional mood elevator, such as a small dose of morphine, a botanically-derived safe euphoriant that is also produced by the human body itself (’endorphin’ is short for ‘endogenous morphine’), which would have sent her off to a blissful nap, she was given a patented synthetic that actually increased her anxiety. How utterly incompetent, how unloving. 

      The dangerous teenage neurosis anorexia nervosa is sometimes  treated with chlorpromazine, which is synthesized from diphenylamine, used in dyes and explosives, and sulphur, used in explosives, insecticides, fungicides, metallurgy and gas refining.  Although most current medical books stress that there is no “official” treatment for anorexia, the popular  1989 AMA Encyclopedia of Medicine calls chlorpromazine a useful “antipsychotic” in such cases, which is like calling calomel a “purgative,” since the “untoward effects” include “drowsiness, lethargy, ...orthostatic hypotension, tachycardia... dizziness... edema, constipation, anuria, convulsions, nervousness, syncope, insomnia, nasal congestion, skin rash....dermatitis, parkinsonism, confusion or jaundice...erythema, localized nodular lesions, acneform lesions with stomatitis...pruritis.” 46

      The actual list of poisonous effects of chlorpromazine takes up an entire page in the U.S. Dispensatory, leaving the poor patient, already emotionally exhausted, near suicide, which would, of course, be attributed to the anorexia. Any half-competent herbalist could do better prescribing relaxation, euphoria and a heavy case of the munchies, but ‘euphoria’ is a form of ‘turpitude,’ and the patient might be needed on the assembly line any minute, so we wouldn’t want to let her get too relaxed.

      Of course, unlike synthetic concoctions, whole herbs can’t be patented.  Conventional “behavior modification” psychotherapy is rooted in legal commercialism. The FDA’s job is to protect drug patents, but whole herbs can’t be patented, and so are therefore not ‘safe.’  Conventional psychotherapy is to ancient psychotherapy as chlorpromazine is to marijuana. I’ve actually had my 95 year old father, in very frail health and considerable pain, and suffering from glaucoma, told that he could have neither pot nor morphine, because the doctor was worried about “habit formation.”  God forbid the old man should acquire a “habit” in the last few years of his life.  The doctor was just reading from the DEA’s privateer canon.

      All over the country cops are presented in high schools and town councils as empirical experts while the most distinguished physicians, psychopharmacologists, psychiatrists, ethnobotanists, anthropologists, archeologists, sociologists and economists are ignored.  “I am reminded of Soviet party-line criticism of science which led to the phenomenon known as Lysenkoism,” notes Prof. Grinspoon. 47

      Sanctioned frauds like Heath, Nahas, Kleber, Califano, and McCaffrey, engineers of today’s disaster, are given far more political credence than the likes of Dr. Lester Grinspoon, Dr. Solomon Snyder, Dr. Marie Nyswander, Dr. Vincent Dole, Dr. John Morgan, Dr. Alfred Lindesmith, Dr. Richard Evans Schultes, Dr. Michael Harner, Dr. Peter Furst, Dr. Andrew Weil, Dr. Michael Taussig, Dr. Timothy Plowman, Dr. Anthony Richard Henman, Dr. Marija Gimbutas, Dr. Thomas Szasz, Dr. Arnold Trebach, Dr. Charles Snyder, Dr. Jerome Miller and Dr. Milton Friedman.  You can ignore Eisenhower, MacArthur, Mountbatten, Ridgway, Shoup and Giap on Vietnam politically, but you can’t ignore them in Vietnam militarily.  

      In 1988, after two years of detailed testimony, the DEA’s own chief administrative law judge, Francis Young, concluded that “marijuana is one of the safest therapeutic substances known to man….capable of relieving the distress of great numbers of very ill people….It would be unreasonable, arbitrary and capricious for the DEA to continue to stand between those sufferers and the benefits of this substance in light of the evidence.” 48 

      DEA Administrator John Lawn, that great physician, rejected this judicial recommendation, using the “no-license” catch-22: marijuana wasn’t “widely prescribed” in the medical community, because illegal, therefore it had “no currently accepted medical use.” Since the evidence is inadmissible, there’s no way the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws (NORML) or anyone else can force a binding jury trial of the evidence. Legally, all the administrative law judge can do is make recommendations, which the DEA is free to ignore.  Because of the rebellion of the states, the DEA has recently allowed a cannabis extract into prescribale Schedule 5, but still criminalizes the leaf.

      This is the “purposeful ambiguity,” as Teddy Roosevelt put it, first written into Wiley’s 1906 Pure Food and Drug Act. A dangerous drug is any drug the FDA says is dangerous. The U.S. Court of Appeals told NORML in 1994 that there is no higher court on drug matters than the DEA, which alone has the legal right to “schedule” drugs – a bunch of cops. No binding jury trial of the evidence is available.  Of course, since 95% of all illegal drug use in the U.S. is marijuana use, without illegal pot, the legalization of which is now being forced by the states, this country’s police structures fear severe budget cuts, so the ‘opioid epidemic’ and the ‘crack epidemic’ PR campaigns were launched to come to the budgetary rescue.

      Fascism, the militarization of culture, relies on the artificial production of stress and violence: simply criminalize the NORML.  One wonders how long the federal DEA will be able to peddle its stepping-stone BS in the face of pot legalization, and how long the FDA will continue to reject the traditional stress-reducing whole herbs of the human race like coca leaf and opium sap, with which medicine was invented.  Whole herbs can’t be patented, and the FDA’s real job is the protection of big pharma. Schedule I of the Controlled Substances Act of 1970 is a list of the traditional shamanic herbs of preindustrial humanity, and their isolates, and all have profound medical utility, despite the legal assertion in Nixon’s Controlled Substances Act that they don’t.

      As so many states have now reiterated, marijuana, official from 1850 to 1942 in the U.S. Pharmacopeia, is helpful for glaucoma, high blood pressure, migraine, anorexia, depression, sleep disorders, multiple sclerosis, spasticity disorders, chronic pain, AIDS wasting syndrome, asthma, motion sickness, depression, mood disorders, pruritis, menstrual cramps, the effects of cancer chemotherapy and epilepsy.  This list, by the way, comes mostly from the official position paper of The American Public Health Association, written exclusively by experienced physicians. Much of it, in 1999, was legally adopted by The Netherlands.  The Dutch have proven, and officially assert, as did the official New York City LaGuardia Report in 1944, that the criminalization of this mild herbal ecstatic and painkiller causes widespread use of the potent concentrates. The same thing is true of coca leaf and opium sap, every bit as safe as pot, but the DEA will just analogize them with their refined concentrates and continue to peddle the same ‘stepping stone’ BS. We are no more under attack by “drugs” than we were under attack by the Viet Minh. That phony war was just a Dulles brothers colonialist reach for ownership of Vietnam’s vast natural wealth. The original colonialist intention was to do precisely what the French could not. 49   

      By following Califano’s and McCaffrey’s unempirical lead, overriding its own administrative law judge with the stepping stone mantra, the DEA, in 2019, is able to continue exactly the same ‘counterterrorism’ tactics in Peru, Mexico, Guatemala and El Salvador in 2019, that McCaffrey used in 1996, thereby continuing to sell arms to the drug dealing militaries all over the world, in the name of the antidrug effort, and trade weapons for the artificially valuable refined concentrates, like cocaine. Naturally this has zero strategic effect on the flow of drugs. The legal equation of whole herbs with their refined concentrates just popularizes the dangerous refined concentrates, thus insuring an unending flow of military, DEA, prison and ‘treatment’  appropriations. This lying also strengthens global fascism worldwide, thereby creating yet more ‘narcoterrorists’ and client states in need of our weaponry.  And to this day, in 2019, 50% of all drug busts globally are for marijuana, certainly the human race’s most popular herb. The fascists will not relinquish the economic whip hand willingly.

      McCaffrey’s ‘ten-year’ list of red herrings to the contrary, the occasional red-herring bust of a shipment or ‘kingpin’ just maintains the illusion of progress in the ‘war.’  If it’s a ‘war,’ how come there’s no strategy for victory?  Isn’t the definition of insanity doing the same thing over and over and expecting a different result?  The purpose of this stepping stone BS, the purpose of refusing to distinguish whole herbs from refined concentrates, is unending war.

      The drug war quagmire, precisely because it is a quagmire, continues to be worth hundreds of billions to the privateers running it, in direct and indirect defense, prison, police and ‘treatment’ appropriations, and in the artificial value of drug crops. With global legalization, the price of marijuana leaf, coca leaf and opium sap collapses to normal agricultural commodity levels, making covert funding of fascist death squads with the refined concentrates, and the arbitrary criminalization of native peoples for using their traditional herbs, much more difficult. The purpose of pretending in law that coca leaf is the same thing as cocaine is the colonialist criminalization and subjugation of Incan culture, begun long before the 1860 isolation of cocaine.  

      As one disgusted DEA agent put it, none other than Dennis Dayle, 1978-82 chief of the DEA’s Centac units, their highly effective international Central Tactical strike forces: “In my 30-year history in the Drug Enforcement Administration and related agencies, the major targets of my investigations almost invariably turned out to be working for the CIA.” Dayle turned to novelist and reporter James Mills to advertise this. The result was The Underground Empire: Where Crime and Governments Embrace.  While comprising only 3% of all DEA agents, Centac accounted for 12% of arrests of major violators.  Dayle is known as the single most effective agent in DEA history.  Dayle’s effectiveness was a major reason the Reagan administration underfunded the DEA and put it under FBI control.  Dayle was busting the CIA’s most powerful assets.  Dayle’s peer, former DEA Chief of Enforcement John Evans, called the CIA “the biggest drug trafficker in the world.” 50